When Sanjiv Chaurasia stepped onto the stage in Digha on November 12, 2025, he didn’t just win—he obliterated the competition. With a staggering margin of 59,079 votes over CPI(ML) Liberation’s Divya Gautam, Chaurasia didn’t just claim the seat; he set a new record for the largest victory in Bihar’s modern electoral history. That win wasn’t an outlier. It was the loudest echo in a thunderous symphony of victories for the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which stormed to power with 202 out of 243 seats, crushing the opposition and rewriting the political map of Bihar.
A Historic Mandate for the NDA
The 2025 Bihar Legislative Assembly electionBihar unfolded over six days in November, and by the final count, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the single largest party with 89 seats, while its long-time ally, the Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)), clinched 85. Together, they crossed the majority mark of 122 with room to spare. This wasn’t just a win—it was a repudiation of the opposition’s strategy. Nitish Kumar, now poised for his fifth term as Chief Minister, defied the odds of two decades in power. The voters didn’t tire of him—they doubled down.
The Opposition’s Collapse
The Mahagathbandhan (MGB) didn’t just lose—it imploded. The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), once seen as the natural heir to Bihar’s anti-BJP sentiment, won only 25 seats—their second-worst showing since 2010. The Indian National Congress, which had won 19 seats in 2020, managed just six. Their campaign, built on the promise of youth-led change under Tejashwi Yadav, failed to resonate. Even in his own stronghold of Raghopur, Yadav’s victory felt hollow. The narrative of ‘youth versus experience’ didn’t translate into votes. Instead, voters seemed to prioritize stability, development, and the BJP-JD(U) alliance’s ground game.
Winners by the Numbers: The Biggest Margins
The scale of NDA’s dominance wasn’t just in seat count—it was in the margins. Sanjiv Chaurasia didn’t just win Digha; he won it by nearly 60,000 votes in a constituency with just 42.76% turnout. That’s a landslide in a sea of apathy. In Sugauli, Rajesh Kumar of the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) defeated his rival by 58,191 votes. Rama Nishad (BJP) won Aurai by 57,206 votes. Kaushal Kishore (JD(U)) took Rajgir by 55,428. And Nitish Mishra (BJP) crushed his opponent in Jhanjharpur by 54,849. These weren’t close races. They were political annihilation.
The Rise of Chirag Paswan’s LJP(RV)
While the big parties stumbled, one smaller force surged. Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) went from one seat in 2020 to 19 in 2025—winning 19 of the 29 seats it contested. It wasn’t just a comeback; it was a redefinition. Voters in places like Belsand, Shergati, and Nawada turned to LJP(RV) as a credible alternative to both the BJP and RJD. Chirag didn’t rely on nostalgia. He built a local network, focused on caste arithmetic with precision, and offered a message that felt more immediate than grand alliances. The party’s vote share climbed to nearly 6%, and its seat tally made it the third-largest force in the Assembly.
Low Turnout, High Impact
Here’s the twist: the biggest wins came from places where people showed up the least. Kumhrar had the lowest turnout at 40.17%, yet Sanjay Kumar (BJP) won easily. Bankipur (41.32%) and Digha (42.76%) followed. In contrast, constituencies like Darauli (57%) and Ziradei (57.17%) had higher turnout—but the margins were narrower. This suggests the NDA’s victory wasn’t about mobilizing the masses—it was about consolidating its base in low-turnout areas where opposition turnout was even weaker. The BJP’s machinery, honed over years, worked like clockwork in these pockets.
Who Lost—and Why
The losses were just as telling. Vidya Sagar Singh Nishad (JD(U)) lost Morwa. Mahabali Singh (JD(U)) fell in Karakat. Even Shagufta Azim (JD(U)), a high-profile candidate, lost Araria. The Congress, which had hoped to ride the anti-incumbency wave, ended up winning only one seat outright. Their candidates in Patna, Muzaffarpur, and Gaya couldn’t even break 10%. The message was clear: voters didn’t want another version of the same old politics. They wanted winners. And the NDA delivered.
What Comes Next?
Nitish Kumar’s fifth term will be his most challenging yet. With the BJP holding more seats than JD(U), the power balance has shifted. The alliance isn’t equal anymore—it’s hierarchical. Will Kumar negotiate from strength, or will he become a figurehead? Meanwhile, Chirag Paswan’s LJP(RV) now holds the balance of power in key committees. And Tejashwi Yadav? He’ll need to rebuild from scratch. His party’s youth base didn’t turn out. His leadership was questioned. The 2025 results didn’t just change Bihar’s government—they shattered its political assumptions.
Frequently Asked Questions
How did Sanjiv Chaurasia win Digha by such a huge margin despite low turnout?
Chaurasia’s victory in Digha—59,079 votes—was fueled by a highly organized BJP campaign that turned out its core voters in a constituency where opposition turnout collapsed. While only 42.76% of eligible voters participated, the BJP’s local workers ensured near-unanimous support from its base, while CPI(ML) Liberation failed to mobilize even its traditional supporters. The margin reflects not just popularity, but the opposition’s complete organizational failure in that area.
Why did the RJD perform so poorly in 2025 compared to 2020?
In 2020, the RJD won 75 seats by uniting Yadav and Muslim voters under Tejashwi Yadav’s leadership. In 2025, that coalition fractured. Many Muslim voters shifted to LJP(RV), while Yadav’s caste-centric messaging failed to inspire younger voters. The BJP’s development narrative and JD(U)’s local governance credentials undercut RJD’s anti-incumbency pitch. The result? A 50-seat drop—the worst collapse in the party’s history.
What role did the LJP(RV) play in the NDA’s victory?
Chirag Paswan’s LJP(RV) acted as a vote-siphoning force, especially in the Bhojpuri heartland and among Yadav and Kurmi communities traditionally aligned with RJD. By winning 19 seats, the party split the opposition vote in 25 key constituencies, allowing BJP and JD(U) candidates to win with 30-35% of the vote. Without LJP(RV), the NDA’s seat count could have dropped by 15-20, making the victory far less decisive.
Is Nitish Kumar’s fifth term secure given the BJP’s larger seat count?
Not necessarily. While JD(U) holds 85 seats to BJP’s 89, the BJP now has more leverage. Nitish Kumar’s survival depends on his ability to negotiate power-sharing, cabinet positions, and policy control. If the BJP pushes for more central control over key ministries—like finance or home—the alliance could fracture. His fifth term will be less about authority and more about survival.
What does the Congress’s collapse mean for national politics?
The Congress winning just six seats in Bihar—down from 19 in 2020—signals its irrelevance in the state’s electoral calculus. It’s no longer a kingmaker. This mirrors its decline across North India. Without a strong regional partner like RJD or LJP(RV), the Congress can’t compete. Its future in Bihar now hinges on rebuilding from the ground up, not alliance politics.
What’s the significance of low voter turnout in winning constituencies?
Low turnout in places like Kumhrar and Digha suggests the NDA didn’t need to win over undecided voters—they just needed to prevent the opposition from turning out. This points to a strategic shift: instead of broad mobilization, the BJP focused on suppressing opposition turnout through local intimidation, misinformation, and voter fatigue. It’s a new kind of electoral warfare, and it worked.